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Scott Walker, governor of Wisconsin 2011-2019
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[I wrote the following as a "Facebook note" in 2011 when Wisconsin was making waves by busting public employee unions.
Iowa is just getting to this endeavor in 2017. Our elected officials owe us more than magic promises and "take it down!" Alas, this six-year-old piece, with slight revisions, is still timely.]
I grew up in the 1960s, in a conservative house in a conservative
town in a liberal era. When I was growing up, conservatism stood for
small, efficient, clean, government, and a cautious approach to social
change. Even so, there was room in the conservative idea for public
goods. The civil rights, environmental, consumer protection and campaign
finance legislation that passed during the late 1960s and early 1970s
passed with conservative input and support.
In serving as a
counterweight to the era's liberal zeitgeist, conservatism was at its
best, and made distinctive contributions to American political and
social life. It reflected skepticism about government activity and
spending, reminding us constantly that we couldn't regulate or spend
every problem out of existence. It stood for traditional American
values, stating as the ur-conservative, Edmund Burke, did that societies
contain accumulated wisdom that it is dangerous to overhaul with
radical change, even or maybe especially when change is
well-intentioned. It provided a voice for the private sector, for the
businesses and industries that are the engines of the American economy.
And, perhaps most important, it provided limits on the ability of
liberalism to work its will. "Checks and balances, Jefferson,"
proclaimed John Adams long ago, in a letter arguing against religious
establishment on the grounds that any group of people would oppress
others given the opportunity, and concluding, "Human nature, know
thyself!" Conservatism provided the necessary checks to balance
liberalism.
Some time in the 1980s, conservatism moved
from being the counterculture to being the zeitgeist itself. Perhaps, as
Alan Wolfe has suggested, that led to a concern for power over ideas. I
think it's just difficult to adjust to having responsibility for
government and for formulating policy programs.
Whatever
the reason, conservatism has lost the moral and intellectual mooring it
had in previous generations. Far too much of what passes for
conservatism these days is political appeals based on fear and loathing
of others, and a smug rejection of any information that challenges their
rigid doctrine. Examples abound: the "Hell no!" strategy of
congressional Republicans in 2009-10; the variety of bizarre rumors
surrounding President Obama; and the anti-intellectual approach to
accumulated data and experience on topics from climate change to the
recession to economic inequality to government in general. Some programs
surely waste money, but some programs produce social benefits far
beyond their costs, and surely even rock-ribbed conservatives know this,
but it's easier and flashier to say "Investment is just a Democrat
(sic) word for spending."
State budgets are in a mess, to
be sure. There's plenty of blame to go around. The budget-cutting
strategy of our Iowa Republicans, however, seems more oriented to
sticking it to groups they don't like rather than actually saving money.
Besides going after teachers' unions and public employees' unions under
the guise of budget savings, the state [Wisconsin then, Iowa now] targets family
planning programs, public broadcasting, anti-smoking programs,
railroads, preschools and even sabbatical leaves for professors at state
universities. The savings from the last one are microscopic, but it
sounds good, at least to those who think sabbaticals are paid vacations.
Conservative
appeals today are based on fear and or loathing of unpopular groups.
Around the country, there are bills to bust public employee unions,
repeal gay marriage laws, and target immigrants, as well as
congressional hearings this week on the menace lurking in Muslim mosques
from undercover terrorists. This bilious pattern is based on no
principle, but inflames suspicions, fans prejudices, and makes us less
of one nation.
To, finally, the Wisconsin bill. This is
not a positive example of functional government. It is an ugly, divisive
political power play. Union-busting, in Wisconsin and the states like
Iowa that hope to emulate it, achieves no public purpose. (The education
budget savings in Wisconsin had already been agreed to, and were passed
in a separate bill.) It targets a group, blaming them unfairly for
state budget woes that were brought on by a collapsing economy and
exacerbated by reckless tax cuts. Perhaps non-union members can be
inspired to support this cause. (Perhaps not, from early public opinion
polls.) More disturbingly,breaking a well-resourced Democratic-leaning
interest group fits a pattern of extraordinary Republican efforts in the
past decade to rig the system in their favor: denying black votes in
Florida in 2000, recalling the governor of California in 2003, Texas's
mid-decade redistricting, the
Citizens United decision, and now this.
To
participate constructively in the American political process, as they
have for decades past, conservatives need to develop a vision for
America, one based on achievement of ideals, not on narrow self-interest
and sticking it to groups they don't like. Ronald Reagan had a vision
in the 1980s, albeit a nostalgic one based on a misremembered past.
Today's conservatives can't even claim that much.
They
need to do another thing, too, which is to recognize that unchecked
conservatism can't achieve everything society needs. It can make us more
private. It can make us more armed. But it can't make the world more
beautiful, unify the American people, provide public spaces and public
goods, empower those who need opportunity, or secure the public from the
occasional abuse of private power. For a lot of that government can
help. And unions too.
SEE ALSO:
Allison Carr, "
Framing the Labor Debate,"
Upside Down, 13 February 2017
Molly Duffy, "
Iowa Teachers Rally Against Legislature's Collective Bargaining Bill,"
Cedar Rapids Gazette, 12 February 2017
Kathie O'Bradovich, "
Collective Bargaining Smackdown Leaves Democrats Spoiling for Rematch,"
Des Moines Register, 17 February 2017
EARLIER POST: "
Post #50: Who's a Liberal?" 11 August 2013